The US-UK “special relationship”

When a cross party foreign relations committee recently urged the British Government to adopt a more hard-headed approach towards the US and avoid the phrase “special relationship” there was a palpable sense of relief amongst those who had felt for some time that the phrase was best avoided.

Unsurprisingly, as the British Prime Minister visits the United States this week, the term remains as popular as ever. It seems the Americans are just too polite, or possibly too astute, to suggest it be consigned to history. Instead, just like with previous high profile UK-US meetings, the term is being rolled out to make yet another appearance and will most likely be used just enough times to avoid mass hysteria in the British media.

The Prime Minister’s first official visit to Washington comes at a time of widespread concern within UK media and foreign policy circles that Obama’s ethnic origin and upbringing may have defined a world view that is very different from his predecessors. To be more precise, policymakers are concerned that Obama is less interested in the special relationship because he is not of European origin.

To many observers such conclusions serve only to highlight the unhealthy obsession with the special relationship and the emotional nature of Britain’s friendship with the US. Whilst it may be true the US-UK relationship seems less warm under Obama, it's probably due to his government's focus on new priorities including the establishment of a new multi-polar world that includes the likes of China, Russia, India and Brazil. The alliances of the past will no longer suffice, even for the Americans, and it is therefore only natural that British/ European security is currently less of a priority for them.

Similarly, even though the US will continue to be the UK’s most significant bilateral ally for the foreseeable future, it is also apparent that the relationship will be less important in a world increasingly dominated by the multilateral process. In this new world order Britain will be expected to forge a common European security and energy policy and to establish strong relationships with emerging world powers such as India and Brazil and midsized powers such as Turkey and Saudi Arabia.

Meanwhile, Britain should remain confident that it will continue as a privileged US ally, not least because the Americans wish to maintain their status as both an Atlantic as well as Pacific power. This requires the Americans to remain fully engaged with Europe and its big countries. Therefore the US cannot ignore Britain’s status as Europe’s largest military power and still one of the world’s largest economies - expected to remain that way even in 2050 - when it will also be the largest economic power in Europe. Britain also continues to be a leading investor in the US (BP is a case in point) and maintains close cultural and military ties that bind the two together.

It’s therefore rather surprising to see articles appear in respected British publications suggesting the UK has little to offer the United States. Even the Prime Minister’s suggestion that Britain is America's “junior partner”, whilst probably nothing more than a self-deprecating remark in the best British tradition, only serves to support this line of thinking.

In a world where geopolitical power is set to become increasingly diffuse, Britain must gradually reduce its dependence on the special relationship and learn to foster new friendships and alliances in order to maintain its privileged status in world affairs.

Mr. Zulfi Caar Hydari is a British financier based in Dubai. He is Co-Founder and CEO of HBG Holdings and Co-Chairman of British Conservatives Abroad for Dubai and Northern Emirates. The views and opinions expressed in this article are his own.

Twitter: www.twitter.com/zak_hydari